Excerpts from:

THE RER BRAVA AND SHANGAMAS TUNNIS FROM SOMALIA

PREPARED BY
THE INSTITUTE FOR CULTURAL PARTNERSHIPS
IN COLLABORATION WITH
FOUZIA MUSSE

REPRINTS AVAILABLE
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

RER BRAVA AND SHANGAMAS REFUGEES
THE TUNNIS OF SOMALIA

SUMMARY

In early 1996, United Nation High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in Kenya recommended that the refugees living in the Hatimy camp for resettlement to the United States. Interviews and processing began shortly thereafter, and approximately 4,500 Somali refugees, mostly from the Tunni clan (Rer Brava and Shangamas) who had lived in the Benadir region of Somalia, were approved for resettlement to the U.S. In addition to the Tunnis, there are also a small number of Ashrafs who are from another clan. These refugees are expected to begin arriving as early as March, 1997 and as many as 4,000 are planned to be resettled by September 30, 1997, the end of this federal fiscal year.

This profile was prepared in collaboration with Fouzia Musse, a Somali native who has worked in community development projects for more than 12 years. She worked for the UNHCR and served in Kenya with Somali refugees from 1993-95. This cultural profile, the second in a series distributed by the Institute of Cultural Partnerships, was developed to assist in the resettlement of newly arriving refugees with cultural traditions that are not well known or understood in this country.

For consistency, this profile will use the generally accepted English spelling of Somali words. For example, Reer Barawan is the Somali equivalent of the English Rer Brava. This profile may use historic cultural patterns that the writers and contributors feel are helpful in understanding current cultural norms and behaviors. Some of these historic patterns should be viewed as generalizations and, therefore, may or may not be applicable to individual Somali refugees coming to the U.S. This is important since this population, like many refugee populations, is in transition due to violent and traumatic upheavals, then years of living in refugee camps and, now, permanent resettlement to a new and strange country. For the most part, we discuss cultural norms in the profile that are reflective, in general, of current day Tunni society.

THE POPULATION: CLAN DESCRIPTIONS

Benadir

The term Benadir originated from Persian word bender (port) and refers to the geographical areas of the southern coastal area, including the towns of Warshiekh, Mogadishu, Merka, and Brava. Thus, populations who live in these major towns are collectively referred to as Benadir. While Benadir is a geograghic designation, the term is also often used to define a number of smaller Somali ethnic communities who have little or no clan connection to the major clans that live in the interior land or, what is referred to as, the greater Somalia. Such communities include the Ashrafs (descendent from Prophet Muhammad) and Rer Hamar who inhabit a series of towns along the coast of the Indian Ocean. Many of the Benadir Somali refugees resettled in the U.S. in 1996 were from these particular groups. Additional Ashrafs refugees are expected to arrive with the Rer Brava refugees in this latest group of arrivals from Somalia.

The Tunni Clan

While it is correct to identify some Somali refugees as Benadir, many of the ethnic communities living in this region do have ties to one of a number of the greater Somali clans. Many of these people will identify themselves with a specific clan and not necessarily as Benadir. Rer Brava, for example, are a people with specific clan ties to the greater Somali clan called Tunni and they will identify themselves as Rer Brava or Tunni. The greater Tunni clan consists of Todobo Tol (7 clans) which has two major divisions that characterize their distinct origins. The basic clan structure is shown below.

The Rer Brava and the Shangamas

Rer Brava are a distinct ethnic Somali minority from Brava Town which is located along the southern coast of Somalia. Like many communities of the East African coast, Rer Brava are a complex population blending African and non-African origins. Rer Brava people are sometimes referred to as Bravan or Barawan. Ethnically, the Rer Brava are part of the greater Somali clan of Tunni. Rer Brava are also part of what is collectively known and described as the Benadir communities.

The Shangamas is a strong and powerful Tunni clan who share the same language, culture and genealogy of other Somali clans living in the interior of the country. The Shangamas are primarily a agricultural people who inhabit the interior lands near Brava Town. They do not consider themselves as Benadir or from the Benadir region. The Rer Brava, on the other hand, are a distinct blend of Somali and non-Somali origins (Arab, Persian, Swahili) and differ linguistically and culturally from the Shangamas clans.

Although this can not be taken as an absolute, one can often differentiate these sub-clans according to their physical features. The Shangamas people look like African Somalis of brown and/or dark skin while the Rer Brava have a lighter skin, more similar to the complexion of Arabs. The Rer Brava are mercantile people whose life has centered around buying and selling commodities for import and export. They also engage in fishing and production of renowned Somali sandals (Kabo Baravo). According to oral history, the relationship between these two Tunni clans, the more rural Shangamas and the Rer Brava, is a symbiotic one that has served and promoted the interests of both communities over the centuries.

The Ashrafs

Included with this group of refugees are a small number of Ashrafs who have lived for generations with the Rer Brava. Ashrafs are technically not Tunni, but anything attributed culturally to Rer Brava in this profile may also be attributed to Ashrafs since the two have a very strong cultural similarities. The Ashraf comprise religious scholars and mercantile families who hold a special position among other Somali clans (in terms of prestige and holiness) because of their affiliation with Prophet Muhammad’s lineage. Refugees who are Ashafs may or may not distinguish themselves as such.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

Volags should note that these resettling refugees are a combination of mostly Rer Brava and Shangamas. Somali clan and sub-clan designations and relationships are very complex. In this text we will refer to the Rer Brava and Shangamas generally as Tunnis to reduce confusion over the clan issues. Where necessary in the profile, these two major sub-clans of the Tunnis will be referred to separately.

Although this resettlement program is identified as a Somali Bravan resettlement program, the local volags should note that not all refugees are from the Rer Brava clan. (As noted previously, it is more respectful to use Rer Brava and not Brava or Bravan.) Since a large number of these refugees are members of one of the five Shangamas clans, it may be easier and safer to refer them as Tunni refugees unless one is sure of the clan membership or the refugees themselves make a further distinction.

GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMY

HISTORY OF TUNNI REFUGEES IN KENYA

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

TUNNI SOCIETY AND FAMILY

The Tunnis (Rer Brava and Shangamas) are a patrilineal society possessing strong family ties that extend beyond the nuclear family of husband, wife and children. Distant cousins, clan relatives and even members from another sub-clans can be counted as family members. On some occasions family members are defined as those who share a common shelter and at least eat meals together regardless of their blood relations. Tunnis find it cumbersome to make distinctions between a sibling, a half sibling and a cousin unless specific reasons require exact parental relationships. For example, a cousin may be presented as a sister according to the Tunni custom. Similarly, the Tunnis highly revere and respect the elders (non-blood) in their society. Because of this, elders also assume the role of parent as situations warrant.

As a Muslim society, the Tunni clan does acknowledge polygamous marriages, even though only a small portion of its members actually practice this custom. Marriage between cousins is prevalent within Rer Brava society as a way of preserving a distinct ethnicity in relation to other Somali communities. As a result of this, inter-marriages between members of Rer Brava and other Somalis is generally not accepted or approved by the two communities.

The family size of rural Tunni people (the Shangamas) is relatively smaller than the urban Tunni people (the Rer Brava). Low birth instances relate directly to migration practices of Shangamas men of this agri-pastoral society. Shangamas men are away from the community for many months out of the year pursuing agricultural and economic activities. Likewise, the health infrastructure that was available in urban setting such as Brava town promotes lower infant mortality rates among the Rer Brava.

Civil war and starvation was the main cause of death for large numbers of the Tunnis as they fled from their traditional homelands into Kenya. However, their numbers began increasing during their stay (1991-1997) in the refugee camps where refugee authorities, at certain times, documented 50-75 new born babies each month in a population of 3,000-4,000 refugees.

The social welfare of Tunni children became the business of all clan members. Children who lost both parents are taken care of by near relatives (grand parents, aunts and uncles) as well as distant clan relatives. This eliminates the need for foster care or adoption for children made "parentless" by war and civil strife. Sometimes, children who lose their fathers are referred to as orphans. This term often confuses westerners working with Tunni people. Somalis use two different words to describe the loss of each parent: agoon, for loss of father and rajo for loss of mother. Combinations of both terms apply when both parent are deceased. Having no English equivalent to these words forced Tunni people use the word orphan. In Islamic tradition, such children are cared for by the broader society until they reach eighteen years of age (called aqli) or older.

In some instances, women who lost their husbands are inherited by brothers or cousins of their husbands. This practice becomes common in times of war and is officially recognized only when the widowed woman consents.

The Tunni clan elders are vested with the highest authority and enjoy strong community loyalty. In the refugee camps, the clan elders' authority had been reduced to a de facto status. A functional role for these elders has been to help serve as a bridge between the clan and service providers.

Although it may seem that Somali women are marginalized by this system, they do have significant control over decisions made within family units. The role of women in the Tunni society combines that of the traditional urban and rural cultures. In urban culture, women of Rer Brava are secluded at early stages of their lives (beginning at the age of eight) and they wear a black veil known as bui-bui in East African communities.

Women are generally prohibited from traveling and interacting with men (except those within the nucleur family). They engage in no social or economic activities outside their home. However, almost all women maintain home businesses and make tremendous contributions to household economy: production of processed food sold at the market of Brava Town (now done in the refugee camps) and knitted clothes (especially Brava hats) are exclusively women's domain. Moreover, a number of women run import and export businesses through hired agents (men and male children).

Some of the Shangamas women also partake in similar home-based economic activities as the Rer Brava women. The majority of Shangamas women from rural areas do not practice seclusion and are openly visible in the market and elsewhere. They control the sales of agricultural and livestock products (milk, meat, ghee, vegetable, and grains etc.) that the Shangamas produce in the rural areas. Unlike Rer Brava women, they also openly interact with men and have no restrictions on travel.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

The Tunni refugees have limited or no knowledge about western culture. There are only a handful of Tunni immigrants in the U.S. who could facilitate and assist in smooth transition from Somalia/Kenya to the US. Sponsoring and help agencies must therefore establish links with Benadiri (Rer Hamer) families, wherever they are located. Both of these communities are congenial. This relationship stems from perhaps common ancestors and a long trading history.

Volags should expect large family size similar to those of the Benadiri. As described above, family members are not necessarily those from a nuclear family. Upon arrival, and in the near future, the family structures may change as adult non-nuclear family members establish their lives in other areas of the United States. The problems of raising and supporting large families here in the U.S. will need to be discussed and emphasized by the resettlement agencies.

Children are likely to adopt western culture readily and in a shorter period of time compared to their adult parents. As a result, conflict may be created between parents and children. In reacting to departure from customary cultural behaviors, some parents will resort to traditional forms of corporeal punishment with full approval from the community. Parents will need to be given an orientation on child welfare laws and systems in the U.S., and the roles that schools, doctors, neighbors and welfare agencies play in children's lives.

Since the U.S. immigration officials require legal documents for adopted children, some families will have claimed non-blood related children as their own on their papers. Volags may need to play a more active role in helping some parents resolve some of these family relationship issues.

Tunni elders have great respect among these refugees and circumventing the authority of the elders may serve to jeopardize the good will of the volags and service providers even when it is done in good faith. Volags will at times need to consult and get the consent of Tunni elders before they engage in providing services that target women and children. One way of doing this is to include elders and male heads of household in early discussions and planning of this services. By not doing this, volags will encounter difficulties in assisting needy women and children.

The Tunni refugees from Kenya have witnessed a great deal of Kenyan police brutality, arbitrary arrest and detention that led many to develop fear of any police force. It is recommended that volags give orientation on the role of police in the U.S. so that the refugees can learn to avail themselves of the assistance police and public safety organizations provide for local communities.

The Tunni refugees are not necessarily accustomed to banking and saving services available in the U.S. Tunni women, in particular, will need education, instruction and training to learn about the services banks offer. They will need special assistance with financial management and budgeting. Specifically, most of these refugees will have to learn how to manage day-to-day money matters in an economic system that does not recognize barter or other traditional forms of commerce. This aspect of resettlement will be critical for refugees in the first six months of getting acclimated to life in the United States.

LANGUAGE AND EDUCATION

In general, the Tunnis speak the May dialect of the Somali language. However, some Rer Brava, particularly women, may speak little or no Somali language. The primary language spoken at homes of Rer Brava is Chimini, a dialect of the Ki-Swahili language mixed with Somali words. Only few will speak English and/or Italian. A number of Rer Brava do speak Arabic.

While in Somalia, the Tunnis had access to the two most common educational systems in Somalia. The formal system of public schools (up to grade 12), and the informal system made up of private Koranic religious schools. The children attended these religious schools from four to fourteen years of age. In the formal education system, Somali language has been the language of instruction for the past two decades, replacing the colonial languages of Italian and English. At the university level, instruction is still primarily in Italian and English.

The informal Koranic education curriculum includes reading, writing and recitation of 114 chapters of the Koran written in Arabic. Recitation does not reflect an understanding of Arabic, although children do gain some knowledge of Arabic due to these rote exercises. In Brava town, the instructors are mainly Rer Brava women while among the Shangamas, men serve that function.

Despite the availability of formal education, many Tunnis, especially the Shangamas community, do not send their children to school. If formal schooling is elected, preference is generally given to sending only male children. Most children begin working at early ages by helping their families with the farming, herding and family commerce activities. While working, children will still spend some time attending Koranic school. In the past, the survival needs of the family and community had taken priority over schooling needs for the children. The majority of Rer Brava women who attend formal schools stop as they near puberty, as they are required to be secluded. Only few Tunni people go on to university level educations. The majority of these are Rer Brava men.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

It is recommended that Somali translators have knowledge of the Ki-Swahili language. Many Rer Brava people, in particular the women, may speak little or no Somali language. As mentioned earlier, most Rer Brava speak Chimini that has its roots as a dialect of Ki-Swahili. Finding Chimini speakers will be very difficult. Almost all of these resettling groups learned to speak Ki-Swahili during their 6 year stay in Kenya. Their familiarity with Chimini makes Ki-Swahili one of the best channels of communication here in the U.S. Many children are taught English at schools in the refugee camps, but their competency may be minimal.

In the refugee camp, parents were seen sending their female children to school even when they were near puberty age. Girls were happy to attend and wore appropriate traditional clothes including a veil to cover their body. Perhaps the lack of privacy in the camps (one tent per family and communal toilets), contributed to this change in the practice of seclusion. This departure from traditional practices may possibly reverse itself once the refugees arrive in the U.S. where they will have the privacy of their own homes.

Volags should help refugee parents to understand U.S. laws concerning compulsory school attendance for children. Volags should make the school administrators aware of the traditional dress of the Tunni girls so they are not alienated or isolated at school.

Women may return to seclusion practices and may refrain from attending English as Second Languages (ESL) classes. One way to overcome the latter may be to develop linkages to local mosques which have ESL classes. The use of in-house tutors to teach groups of Muslim women while at traditional gatherings, such as teas, may prove successful. This concept is being piloted in some areas through funding from IRSA.

RELIGION

The Tunnis are Sunni Muslims of the Shafi'ite rite who practice and adhere to Muslim laws and customs. The Rer Brava are religiously observant and conservative in their practices. They are more knowledgeable on religious issues than the majority of other Somalis. Brava Town is one of the best known centers where Somalis from the interior seek religious education. Moreover, Tunni people are venerated for having produced highly respected scholars and sheikhs (both males and females) and their tombs are now pilgrimage sites for Somalis.

Tunnis have a deep knowledge of the Koran and the traditions of Prophet Muhammad. They are not known to have any affiliation with fundamentalist groups that are becoming widespread in other Somali communities. Moreover, the Tunnis have strong tolerance of other religions and are unlikely to get involved with conflicts on religious issues.

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

The practice of religion should not create a major resettlement issue. It is recommended that volags provide information about religious schools and mosques in their respective areas. Linking the Tunnis with Somalis or other Muslims who live in their area will help facilitate adequate discussion of their religious needs.

Most of the Tunnis will follow strict Muslim dietary laws. They will not consume any pork or products that have alcohol. They may be relaxed on the issue of properly slaughtered (halal) meat. Nevertheless, volags should help identify kosher or halal meat availability in their neighborhood. Linking with Somalis or other Muslims will facilitate helping new arrivals get acquainted with available foods in their area.

OCCUPATIONS, SKILLS AND EMPLOYMENT

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

CUSTOMS, TRADITIONS AND ARTS

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

MEDICAL ISSUES

RESETTLEMENT ISSUES

CONCLUSION

This series of ICP New Arrival Profiles is designed to provide accurate and useful information on smaller groups being resettled in the U.S. These profiles represents ICP’s and the various contributors’ best interpretation of cultural norms and behaviors that are present among the particular group we are profiling. We attempt to present each profile in a format that can be useful as a basic and culturally-specific guide to a refugee group. The current profile format was originally designed to answer the most important questions and issues that were raised by local voluntary and provider agency staff members in a 1996 survey and workshop. This was done in preparation to the arrival of the Kurdish refugees in that year. We feel that this format, using cultural categories and related resettlement issues, remains applicable for profiles of other newly arriving groups of refugees such as the Tunnis from Somalia.

ICP’s staff and contributors hope that this New Arrivals Profile will be a useful orientation and training document for resettlement and service provider agency staffs. ICP will complement this profile with half-day interactive distance learning technical assistance workshops at various sites throughout the country. These sessions will allow Somali specialists to present information and answer questions while directly interacting with resettlement and service provider staff. For further information, please contact Ron Kirby.

Fouzia Musse is a Somali native who has worked in community development projects for more than 12 years. She has worked for the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and served Somali refugees in Kenya from 1993-95. She is currently working as the Neighborhood Visioning Coordinator for Lutheran Children and Family Services Neighborhood Development Project in West Philadelphia. Ms. Musse worked as a consultant to ICP while helping develop and co-write this Somali profile. She will also be available for the ICP distance education technical assistance workshops.

ICP wants to express our thanks to the many people, particularly national and local voluntary agency staff, that participated in the development and review of this profile. Your contributions added greatly to the quality of the final product.

1997 INSTITUTE FOR CULTURAL PARTNERSHIPS
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED